A Better World: Stalinism and the American Intellectuals by William L. O'Neill

By William L. O'Neill

This publication chronicles the fight between non-Communist leftists and liberals over American kinfolk with the Soviet Union from 1939 during the Fifties. Few now care as passionately and as violently as humans did then approximately Soviet-American relatives. It used to be a time whilst buddies grew to become enemies, and others solid unusual alliances, all within the identify of commitments that this day appear distant. A greater World conjures up these instances and their offerings, and explains why those long-ago battles nonetheless arouse such deep emotions today—and should.

american citizens who have been pro-Soviet with out being participants of the Communist party—“progressives” as they known as themselves—had a wide emotional funding within the Soviet Union. From 1935 to 1939 actually hundreds of thousands joined the “Popular entrance” of pro-Soviet businesses. O’Neill takes us throughout the surprise of the Stalin-Hitler pact of 1939, during the revival of the preferred entrance spurred by means of executive and company aid after Russia entered the struggle opposed to Hitler. He strains the isolation of the anti-Stalinists, the increase and fall of Henry Wallace, and the eclipse of progressivism. And he explores the moving allegiances of intellectuals as they struggled, usually with one another, to persuade the process public debate, with long-lasting outcomes for American mind, tradition, and morals.

As O’Neill observes in his advent, “More than any of my different books A greater World encouraged correspondents to ship me probing or reflective letters.” It used to be this reaction, besides the intense serious debate spurred by means of preliminary book of this quantity, that makes the book’s carrying on with value transparent. The dream of accomplishing a greater global via radical violence by no means dies, and the willingness of apologists to hold to utopian visions persists. so long as it does, the teachings of this booklet must be to be had to us.

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28 When the National Municipal League held its annual meeting in Boston in May 1902, there was universal praise for Boston’s public life. The accolades went beyond the usual polite comments about the convention’s host city. Boston was repeatedly excepted from descriptions of urban corruption. “You people do not know the conditions of municipal degradation which we who come from Baltimore, Chicago, and Pittsburgh do,” declared incoming League President James C. Carter. “In Boston you have a reasonably good city government.

4 Shifts in Boston’s demographic composition took place amid a changing social geography. The growth of streetcar lines and innovations in housing construction allowed urban immigrant workers to reside in districts several miles from their workplace. Gradually, working-class Irish, who had first filled the slums of the North, South, and West Ends, moved to neighborhoods surrounding the center city. Charlestown, South Boston, north Dorchester, Roxbury, and to some extent East Boston became Irish strongholds over the last quarter of the nineteenth century.

Patrick Collins, Hugh O’Brien, party head Patrick Maguire, and others cooperated with a small group of Brahmin Democrats and mugwumps to maintain civility in Boston. Political necessity more than mutual admiration dictated this collaboration. Irish leaders needed patronage to maintain order in Boston’s vibrant local politics. Although they controlled city hall, municipal appointments alone proved insufficient for the city’s burgeoning Irish political class. With the state legislature dominated by Republicans, Boston’s Democratic leaders relied on nationally connected Yankee Democrats for access to federal patronage during the Cleveland administrations, a strategy that required a politics of ethnic conciliation on their part.

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